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by the march of the institutions

1967, at the height of student revolts, Rudi Dutschke the long proclaimed march through the institutions . The extra-parliamentary opposition should infiltrate the political system and slowly but surely change from within. Today, some 40 years after the revolutionary movement order, there is hardly a social movement that is not well established in the decision-making centers of the Republic. The institutions are captured. But has - apart from the many new topics that are now firmly established on the political agenda - something in the fundamental relationship change of state and society? If the state has become weaker, as claimed by so many theorists? Dissolve its outdated institutions from the inside to? If the end of the hierarchy within reach?

No. On the contrary. What we are experiencing today an unprecedented march through the institutions. Not only did the long march through the institutions themselves have long been an institution - a sort of routine probation rise to "new" social movements and their respective topics. The "old" institutions - after a prolonged period of uncertainty - found to their original self-confidence back. bans without end Far-reaching privacy violations , limitations of the right to demonstrate or offensive questioning of constitutional principles in law enforcement show that the revolutionary government marchers have all appropriate changes to the surface. Beneath this facade, it is above all, they themselves have changed. What we observe

is a classic socialization process: individuals adapt to their immediate social environment, values, norms and routines to. Sociologists and political scientists, this should not surprise most. The interesting thing about this case is that the Staat nicht nur die vermeintlichen Reformer in ihr eigenes Feindbild verwandelt hat, sondern dass es ihm dabei auch gleich noch gelungen ist, deren besondere Legitimität auf sich selbst zu übertragen.

Wie in den ungeliebten 50er Jahren regiert der Staat heute wieder von oben herab, bevormundet seine Bürger und stellt auch gerne mal den Zweck über die Mittel. Nur eines hat sich verändert. Im Gegensatz zu früher schämt er sich nicht mehr dafür. Auf geheimnisvolle Art und Weise scheint die Aura des Richtigen und Moralischen, die den neuen sozialen Bewegungen anhaftete, sich während des langen Marsches durch die Institutionen von ihrem ursprünglichen Träger gelöst zu haben und auf die Institutionen übergegangen zu sein. Macht und Moral sind kein Gegensatzpaar mehr, sondern vereinen sich - zumindest in der Selbstwahrnehmung unserer politischen Eliten - in der neuen Form eines autoritären und gleichzeitig wohlwollenden Staates. Dieser Staat, der ja per Definition nur Gutes will, muss sich dann - so scheint es der eine oder andere großkoalitionäre Akteur derzeit wohl zu sehen - auch nicht mehr an die bestehenden (und daher notgedrungen veralteten) Gesetze halten. Schließlich ist der Staat ja nun sein einziger legitimer Kritiker - eine eigentümliche Personalunion, die ihn sich selbst gegenüber meistens sehr milde stimmt.

40 Jahre, also ungefähr ein volles Berufsleben nach dem Höhepunkt der 68er Movement is that the state stronger and more confident than ever since. From the revolutionary march through the institutions imperceptibly a march through the institutions has become. And in contrast to 1968 in 2008 no player in sight who could hold this passage a convincing alternative model against.

The end of history comes from within. And it says "by rule".

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cunning

" tastes milk is healthy and good for you. That ought to help increase sales of milk."

Does it not obvious. Otherwise would have to Agriculture Minister Horst Seehofer not spend 9.3 million euros to its own to disprove knowledge.

In "Model of School Milk" will be explored in the next two years, as sales of milk in schools can be stimulated artificially. These receive 600 selected primary schools

" their school milk at different price variations -. Up to provide free The influence is investigated, the lessons of rural women and action events are to raise awareness of the benefits of milk on the sale of school milk.

A really interesting question, to which without the kind information of the agricultural lobby would certainly be no one came. Even more exciting would be the investigation However, if the out would find for the "academic support" competent Max Rubner Institute how many cows a primary school empty must drink to the school again to make up with "lessons by rural women and promotional events" to raise awareness of the benefits of milk was wasted.


PS: What really surprised is that the official PR Agency of the dairy farmers the hackneyed slogan of all time - milk makes school "- is omitted. Instead, our hard by years of cow's milk consumption to almost immeasurably enhanced by the way intelligence on allergröbste to himself kalauernde metaphor "school milk - sometimes in the mouth of all students?" offended.

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the new honesty


Political scientist David Easton In the 60 years developed a model of politics, in which he described the political decision process as a black box . Outsiders can see what goes in the black box , and they can watch what comes later. What happens in between, that is the way to get in the laws and other policy decisions reached can only imagine the observer, however.

But sometimes opens the black box a little and turns the "government work" in a bright light. Today's press release the Ministry of Environment to stop the biofuel regulation is such a light moment. In an almost uncanny honesty Environment Minister Sigmar Gabriel says is about the real motives of the now discarded plan to increase the share of ethanol in gasoline to 10 percent. Not the protection of the environment, but only the economic interests of agriculture and the automotive industry were the reason for the proposed public financing of biofuels have been:

"Gabriel pointed out that the discussion about the increase in the incorporation limits limited somewhat by reaching had to do climate policy objectives have. 'Rather, it focused both on agricultural interests in the stabilization and development of the biofuel market and a special interest in the automobile industry: An increased incorporation should the automotive industry in Germany and Europe, the step of 130 CO 2 per km g to 120 g allow CO 2 per km from 2012 cheaper than is possible through purely technological steps in the engine and vehicle technology. "

a" very special interest in the automotive industry "and the desire of agriculture to high market prices were therefore crucial for an expensive "green" political Program, the environmental benefits is more than doubtful. And actually for the protection of the environment, the competent minister is also freely and publicly. Is this perhaps the beginning of the end of Black Box metaphor? Or just an environmental minister?


PS: see Who wants to know how someone is talking to his neck to draw only about their own neck from the noose, which was the full speech the Environment Minister at today's Federal Press Conference recommended. The highlight of the speech:

"For me, and has been absolutely clear that the Federal Ministry of Environment the automotive industry to achieve the climate goals (as of 2012 only an average of 120 g / km CO2) can not help at the expense of millions of drivers who would have to resort to the much more expensive Super Plus petrol. (...) The environmental policy will not accept responsibility for a massive social burden of these drivers, as direct environmental benefit and do not "(the emphasis is mine).

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what must not, must not be

policy can be as simple . In any event, from the perspective of the Ministry of Agriculture. Faced with the message that many European wines contain pesticide residues, says Secretary of State Gert Lindemann why at least in Germany can not be, what must not be:

"grapes used in wine production, shall not contain more residues than permitted."

course, a bored politician slip out such a meaningless tautology before. Vengeance on a Friday afternoon. But what appears at first glance as a linguistic carelessness, indicated on closer inspection to profound changes in the perception of reality political actors: What can not be, can not be easy.

" As part of the approval process for the application of pesticides residue tests must always be carried out. Aim of these experiments is to determine how high the residues of pesticides used properly according to the control of pests are. Only if the level of residue is not harmful to health, admission has been granted for the application. "

That especially in agriculture, the" appropriate use "of pesticides (in insider circles as" good practice referred to) rather theoretical assumption as an empirical Reality is, does not change the systematic confusion of claim and reality.

Could Is it possible that in recent decades has become increasingly evident shortcomings of state control policy from its protagonists increasingly ritual - are compensated incantations power of the state - and always unrealistic? At least for the agricultural policy which does not appear quite implausible:

"Under German wine law and the Wine Regulation, a wine produced only from grapes, which exceed the no maximum residue limits Regulation for grape set maximum residue levels of residue content. Wine must be applied by the production increase has occurred or less occurred by the production Reduction can be assessed. "

But the" legislative construction of reality ", just to paraphrase a famous book by Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, has its limits. The so-called Transrapid needs law , which in 1996 was adopted, it was not possible, the German maglev a reality to be. Not least because it was probably in 2001, the Bundestag again repealed.